AI en Translation, Pages 26-50
Page 26
- 23 -
It stated in its report "During the period from 1967 to
May 1979, Israel established a total of 133 settlements in the occupied territories to include
79 in the West Bank and 29 in the Golan Heights, 7 in the Gaza Strip
and 18 in Sinai." And if we exclude Sinai, where the settlements were evacuated,
the Zionist entity established 33 new settlements since the Security Council
adopted its resolution 446 (1979) referred to above, and thus the
total became 148 settlements. (1) Furthermore, some settlements were expanded.
(1) The number of Israeli settlements in the occupied West Bank reached (161)
settlements in addition to 11 military settlements. Jordanian Al-Dustour newspaper
issued on 11/16/1983. In another source, the number of settlements reached
118 in the West Bank, and 30 settlements in the Gaza Strip, Rafah, and Sinai, and the
Golan Heights 34, totaling 182 settlements in late 1981. Samed Al-Iqtisadi
48, 1984 p. 86. In another source, the number of settlements reached (182)
settlements until the end of 1982.
1- In the West Bank: 132 geographically distributed as follows:
30 settlements in the Jerusalem area, 30 settlements in the Nablus area,
Jenin and Tulkarm, 4 settlements in the Bethlehem and Beit Jala area, 19
settlements in the Ramallah and Al-Bireh area, 23 settlements in the
Hebron area, 26 settlements in the Jordan Valley area and around the city of Jericho.
2- In the Gaza Strip, the number of settlements reached 14 by the end of
the year 1982.
3- In the Golan Heights, the number of settlements reached by the end of 1982
36 settlements. Samed Al-Iqtisadi, Issue 48, Year 1984, p. 92.
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— 24 —
already existing to more than double their original size in some cases.
The number of settlers also increased. The following was stated in the same source:
"Since the Likud took over in 1977, the number of settlers has risen from 3,200
to 17,400 settlers in the West Bank alone. These figures do not include
settlers in East Jerusalem and the Jerusalem area, whose number now reached
about 80,000. There are more recent 1981 estimates showing that the number of Jews
in the West Bank reached 20,000 settlers. If we include the settlers
in East Jerusalem and its area, the number of settlers would be approximately 100,000
settlers. It is understood from what the Zionist Jerusalem Post reported that
the Council of Jewish Settlements in the West Bank and Gaza Strip has appointed a team
specifically to discuss the means to increase the number of Jewish inhabitants to 4,000
people during the year 1981, excluding the inhabitants of Jerusalem."
Regarding the seizure of lands, the Security Council Committee stated
the following: "The area of confiscated lands in the West Bank has increased from
27 percent of the total area in May 1979 to 33.3 percent
in September 1980. No specific figure was given for additional confiscated lands in
the Golan Heights. But based on the fact that there are only five Arab villages left
and only 8,000 of the original inhabitants out of 142,000
people are the ones who were able to continue residing, it seems reasonable to conclude
that the occupation authorities effectively control all the lands."
This also applies to the Gaza Strip. According to what witnesses said, the
confiscation of land is considered final, but no documented figures are available showing the area
of confiscated lands so far.
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It is clear from the figures provided by the United Nations Special Committee
on Palestine in 1947, on the eve of the proclamation of the State of Israel, that the
total land owned by Jews in all of Palestine ranged between 12.9
percent of the land under the Mandate, while the Israelis came to
own slightly more than 81 percent. (1)
The United Nations General Assembly and the Security Council have decided that the establishment
of settlements in the occupied territories constitutes a serious obstacle to the efforts
aimed at achieving a just and lasting peace in the Middle East. (2)
On January 27, 1981, the following statement was issued on behalf of the Secretary-
General of the United Nations:
"The Secretary-General wishes to reiterate his regret over any decision that would
lead to the expansion or increase of settlements established in the occupied territories. Such
a decision clearly contradicts the resolutions and decisions of the General Assembly
and the Security Council, and will only hinder the pursuit of a just, lasting,
and comprehensive settlement of the Middle East problem."
1) See resolutions in this regard, United Nations General Assembly resolutions, for
example and not limited to: 3443 (D-23) on December 19, 1968,
(2851) (D-26) on January 20, 2949 (D-27) on December 8,
1972, 3092/B (D-28) on December 7, 1973. See also Security Council
Resolutions No. 446 issued on March 22, 1979, and Resolution No. 465 for the year 1980.
2) For further details on the nature and objectives of the settlements, see the report submitted by
the National Lawyers Guild after a visit in July 1977 to Lebanon,
Jordan, Israel, the West Bank, and Gaza to study the situation of the Palestinian people
and investigate human rights violations in the occupied territories.
Page 29
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2- The Economic Factor
The Zionist entity attempts, through the annexation and confiscation of land and the establishment
of settlements upon it, to strengthen the economic foundations of the Zionist entity by
establishing a state that is economically self-reliant. The economic policies
implemented by the Zionist authorities in the occupied Arab territories are represented in the following:
1- Expanding its productive base by seizing economic
resources in the occupied areas directly, and establishing
Israeli settlements and productive institutions there, and limiting
the Arab use of economic resources owned by them, such as water
and pastures, as well as increasing the use of the Arab labor force
as a production element in its various economic activities.
2- In addition to the Zionists' control over the produced funds in
the occupied Arab areas, they have followed a number of policies
aimed at extracting the largest percentage of citizens' incomes
in the occupied Arab areas through the imposition of taxes,
fees, and various monetary policies.
3- Expanding the market size for Israeli goods, whether in the occupied areas
or in Lebanon, and attempting to penetrate foreign Arab markets
through these two channels:-
A - The policy of seizing natural resources
The Land
The Zionists have implemented in the areas occupied since 1967 the same policy of confiscation
and Judaization that was implemented following the 1948 war, following their
known methods, the most important of which are:-
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1- Seizing lands that were considered public property since the Ottoman era.
2- Seizing the lands and properties of absentees.
3- Confiscating lands and closing them under the guise of "security purposes".
4- Forcing farmers to exchange their lands for lands in other places.
5- Buying some lands from their owners through fraud or inducement (1), or forging sales contracts.
In its practice of land confiscation, the Zionist authorities rely on a number
of laws and regulations that were prevalent during the British Mandate and others
that were established after the creation of Israel. In all cases, these laws are interpreted
to serve Israeli policies and procedures.
The area of land confiscated reached 1.9 million dunams
in 1981, which constitutes 34.6% of the total land area of the West Bank,
amounting to 5.5 million dunams. The confiscated area in the Gaza Strip in
August reached about 121 thousand dunams, which constitutes one-third of the entire Gaza Strip area,
totaling 367 thousand dunams (2).
The Zionist authorities base their confiscation of land on a pretext
found in Article 52 of the Hague Convention, the article that allowed the occupation forces
to confiscate lands for security considerations. Within this framework, the authorities established
1) Institute for Palestine Studies, Palestine: Its History and Cause, 1983,
p. 185.
2) Figures are taken from E. Tunua and H. Darin-Drabkin, the
Economic Case for Palestine. (New York) P. 52.
See also Samed al-Iqtisadi, Issue 48, 1984, p. 85.
Page 31
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The occupation its military settlements on confiscated lands under the pretext of "security."
In 1976, the Israeli authorities issued a law granting
Israeli settlers the right to purchase occupied lands, and established
two Israeli companies for this purpose. In the vast majority of
cases, they resorted to forging contracts or forcing landowners to sign under
the threat of confiscating the land under the pretext of security reasons.
Water
⟦line⟧
Since the Zionist organization aimed to gather the largest number of people
in a limited area of land, it became necessary to develop large-scale
irrigation plans. Since water resources were limited in Palestine, these
plans were expanded to include the lands located to the north and north-
east of Palestine, and to reach the sources of the Jordan and Litani rivers and the snows of Mount
Hermon and the Yarmouk and its tributaries. In addition, the country's lack of coal
and petroleum necessitated reliance in industrial projects on the production of electrical energy
which can be secured from the Litani and Yarmouk rivers." (1)
Likewise, the Zionist authorities aim through their water policy to
achieve three goals: first, providing the necessary water for the settlers and their various
activities; the second is preventive, aiming to preserve water sources, especially
groundwater in the areas occupied before 1948, as the water basins
there are linked to the water basins in the West Bank; and the third aims to
⟦line⟧
1) Quoting Dr. Muhammad al-Azu, who in turn relies on the Zionist book, Borders
of his Nation, p. 42.
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Linking the economy of the West Bank to the wheel of the Israeli economy by establishing
a national water network controlled by the Israeli government (1)
It is important here to identify the water problem faced by the Zionist
entity since its inception, which must be considered an important element of the policies
of Israel regarding these resources.
It is worth noting that Israel cannot meet its water needs
from its internal resources within the pre-1967 borders, given that
that part of occupied Palestine depends for its water primarily on
groundwater formed from rainwater falling on the western slope of the West
Bank located outside the pre-1967 borders. Therefore, Israel has aimed since
its establishment to drill artesian wells along the borders to absorb the water of
the West Bank. It is believed that this water coming from the hills of the West
Bank provides about one-third of Israel's water needs.
However, the increasing need for water has threatened to exhaust the quantities of water
available. Therefore, upon its occupation of the West Bank, Israel exercised its control
directly over all water sources therein and prohibited Palestinians from pumping water
from the Jordan under the pretext of "security" reasons.
Settlements formed one of the primary means of controlling
water, as every settlement intentionally drills a deep well for itself, leading to the deprivation
of Arab wells of water on one hand, and on the other hand, it is linked to the Israeli
water network, flowing directly into it.
(1) See the report on "The Impact of Israeli Settlement on Social Conditions
in the Occupied Territories" prepared by the Ministries of Labor and Occupied Land
for discussion by the International Labour Organization. Samed al-Iqtisadi, Issue 48, April
1984, p. 87
Page 33
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Trade Policy
With "Israel's" occupation of the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and the Golan Heights
the opportunity arose to expand the market for "Israeli" goods, and the
Zionist authorities have taken a number of policies and measures in this field. (1)
1- Encouraging the export of production from the occupied Arab territories to countries other than the Zionist
entity, including agricultural production, industrial goods, and consumer goods,
in order to achieve a surplus in the trade balance. However, the policy of the Zionist
authorities not to allow the import of raw materials from outside the Zionist
entity led to not allowing goods manufactured in the occupied
territories to enter non-Arab countries, thereby seizing their revenues
of foreign currencies, and in exchange, they pay local producers
in Zionist currency.
2- Limiting imports from outside the Zionist entity by imposing
high customs duties on goods imported from abroad.
3- Promoting Zionist goods in the occupied territories. This has led
to the increasing dependence of the Arab territories on the Zionist entity for
their imports, as the imports of these areas from it reached 87% of
their total imports in 1979.
(1) Brian Van Arkadie Benefits and Burdens: A report
on the West Bank and Gaza economies Since 1967
Washington Carnegie Endowment for International
Peace 1977.
Also see United Nations Economic and Social Council, final report
on the economic and social conditions and potentials of the Palestinian Arab people
in the Western Asia region, May 1983, 67.
Page 34
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Labor Policies
⟦line⟧
The Zionist authorities seek to attract Arab workers to work within
the Zionist entity to fill labor shortages in certain fields, especially unskilled
labor. This policy, while achieving economic goals,
achieves dangerous results as it leads to a shortage of manpower in the Arab
land, especially in the field of agriculture. The shortage of agricultural labor leads to the neglect
of the land and the weakening of the resistance of Arab farmers against pressures aimed at forcing them
to sell their lands, and this consequently leads to providing a justification for the Israeli authorities
to confiscate Arab land. The volume of Arab labor in the occupied territory is characterized
by fluctuation according to the needs of the Zionist economy. While the number of Arab workers
in the occupied land reached 66,500 thousand in 1974 (1), it dropped to 40,158
thousand in 1976 (2). Arab workers inside the Zionist entity represent a reserve
of cheap labor for the occupying authorities, and they are deprived in almost all fields.
In addition to being subjected to racial discrimination, they lack stability in
employment, seniority, retirement, social security, holidays, disability, and unemployment benefits
as is the case for Zionist workers. In all these cases,
they get nothing or very little. They pay all
⟦line⟧
1) Sheila Ryan. Israeli Economic Policy in the Occupied Territories, Foundations
of New Imperialism, Palestinian Affairs, Beirut, October 1974 p. 152
2) Al-Ard. Monthly Report on the Israeli Economy, Year 3, Issue 19, p. 32
Page 35
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The expenses required to obtain the right to social benefits existing in the
Zionist entity, yet they do not benefit from them. This includes ⟦...⟧ workers
representing 45% of the labor force in the occupied territories, or 9% of the labor
force in the Zionist entity (1).
The reduction in the number of Arab workers in light of lower wages in the
occupied land compared to those paid in the Zionist entity, as well as under the policy
of land seizure and pushing Arab industrial projects to bankruptcy, all of this
pushes Arab workers to emigrate outside the occupied homeland, and this is what
Zionism aims for: "an emigration whose appearance is voluntary but whose cause is studied
and planned." (2)
The conclusion is that there is a danger to the occupied land, but this danger
is primarily the danger of annexation; as for the economic danger, it is attached to this danger
and subordinate to it. (3) Zionist hegemony over most of the Arab region is realized
today not only thanks to economic pressure but also thanks to armed force,
and that is a reality and achieved.
1) Arab-Zionist Conflict Bulletin, Center for Palestinian Studies (Plunder of the West
Bank) Le Monde Diplomatique September 1984, translation by Dr. Khalil al-Tayyar.
Amnon Kapeliouk, Le Monde Diplomatique, Sept.
1984. P.8-9.
2) Dr. Muhammad Farid al-Bustani, Foreign Trade in the Occupied Land After
the 1967 War, Palestinian Affairs, Issue 26 October 1973, p. 120.
3) Dr. Fouad Morsi, The Economic Effects of the Egyptian-Israeli Treaty, Arab
Studies Series, Issue 2, Cairo, p. 25.
Page 36
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The economic, military, and Zionist danger pushes us to search
for a comprehensive strategy for economic, military, political, and intellectual confrontation.
The Political Factor
⟦line⟧
On the political level, the purpose of establishing settlements is expansion
at the expense of Arab lands and changing the features of the Middle East map. Thus
the Palestinian war in 1948 resulted in new radical changes politically,
demographically, and economically... the most prominent of which was the establishment of a racist entity on a part of Palestine
and the creation of a sharp demographic imbalance, as the Arabs were no longer anything more than an oppressed minority
subject to a usurping and hostile political and ideological system. There remained in Palestine
only 160 thousand Palestinians, most of them in the Galilee then, Zionist
settlement began to take a new turn in light of the new variables, so the task
of settlement was no longer preparing for the entity, but the tasks of the Zionist movement and its project
settlement became centered around strengthening the military, economic, human
and political base, while giving priority to strengthening the military arsenal in preparation for a stage
of new aggression that seized in the period between 1948 - 1949. The Zionists
seized 20,850 square kilometers of the total land of all of Palestine, and the amount of its area
is 26,323 square kilometers, and this means that it increased the Jewish state
which was proposed by the United Nations from 14,500 square kilometers to 20,850 sq km ⁽¹⁾
meaning the total area that fell under Israeli control reached about 80 per
cent of the total area of the country, and how far the gap is between this percentage and the percentage
of Jewish land ownership in Palestine which did not exceed 6% in the length of the country.
1) Israel Government, Government Year - Book, English
edition 1951-1952, P.35.
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and its width, as well as the expansion at the expense of the entire Palestinian territory after June 5,
1967, and even the seizure of Arab lands adjacent to Palestine. (1)
The Zionist entity, therefore, embraces an aggressive colonial policy aimed at
swallowing the Middle East, a policy to which the Zionist entity clings because it replaces
doctrine for it. Accordingly, appeasing the Zionist entity will achieve
nothing but woe for the Arab countries, because all it will bring to these countries is a peace
temporary that enables the Zionist entity to prepare more fully and quickly to reach
its goal ⟦line⟧.
It is clear to everyone that Zionism does not differentiate between one Arab and another, or a distant country or
a near one; rather, it considers all Arabs a target for its ambitions and expansion, but it seeks
sometimes to isolate one Arab party from the other, after it has deluded
the other that it has no ambitions regarding it. Here is Israel proposing
sometimes some statements and projects in which it considers that Jordan is the alternative
homeland for the Palestinians to create division and disagreement between the Palestinians and the Jordanians
to make the Jordanians live in a state of anxiety and panic, that the Palestinians will
take their country, and thus it will have directed the Arab forces to strike one another ⟦line⟧,
while it watches until the arrival of the promised day to achieve its final ambitions
after the Arabs have exhausted one another. It is a place of naivety
1) Henry Cattan, Palestine in the Light of Truth and Justice, translated by Wadih Palestine,
Beirut 1970, p. 45.
Page 38
. . 35 . .
Believing Israel's claims that it truly wants to establish a homeland or a state for the Palestinians
in Jordan, for Israel, which is fed up with the existence of the name of the scattered Palestinians
in all Arab countries, will work on gathering the Palestinians in one state
, and in one of the most sensitive areas for it, as
Israel seeks to sow sectarian discord to prevent the establishment of any union
or Arab unity, and to obstruct the progress of Arab countries and exhaust these countries
with their local disputes.
On the local level, Zionist leaders compete in announcing programs
and plans aimed at expanding and intensifying settlement in the coming stage. Many
of these programs and plans have been previously announced, such as the "Plan of One Hundred Thousand"
and the "One Million Jews until the end of the century" plan and the (Greater Jerusalem) plan
and others. In any case, it is not permissible to downplay the danger of the current settlement
onslaught, which is taking dimensions unprecedented in the history of settling the occupied
land. This exposes the aggressive, racist, colonial nature
of the Zionists and their constant pursuit of expansion. Some of these projects cover the period
up to the year 2010, which dispels every illusion about the enemy's intention to return any part
of the land through settlements to liquidate the Palestinian cause.
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It is worth noting that the Camp David Accords ignored the issue of settlement,
as the discussion was limited to the special exchanged letters between the three
negotiating parties. It also appears that a deliberate ambiguity surrounded this issue in
the mentioned correspondence, where it was agreed to "freeze" settlement during
the period of negotiations. While Egypt said that it understood from this that the freeze
includes the five years of negotiation, Israel interpreted it as being limited
to the period of three months allocated for negotiations between Egypt and Israel regarding
the peace treaty. Likewise, the fate of the existing settlements was not addressed in
the event of the establishment of self-rule, which means that the issue of existing settlements was
considered a foregone conclusion within those negotiations. The New York
Times wrote at the time, saying: "While the Arabs govern their areas, the Israelis,
funded by their government and protected by their armies, will continue to buy land
in the West Bank and settle in it, so that when the issue of sovereignty is raised
and presented for discussion, they will have completely changed the image of the region. Under the guise
of providing security, they will be in a position to demand additional lands (1).
The American Position on Settlement
Despite the diplomatic position taken by the Carter administration regarding
the settlements as an illegal act, this position was characterized by ambiguity
and evasion, which indicated at the time ⟦that⟧ the United States had also taken
the settlement process as a political pressure card. On March 1, 1980, the
United States delegate voted in favor of the resolution issued by the Security Council
Page 40
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It included a condemnation of Zionist settlement in the West Bank and Gaza. However, Carter
soon sent a letter to Begin apologizing for that vote and attributing it
to a "communication breakdown." The Carter administration's position became clear through the lack of
discussion of the settlement issue in the Camp David Accords.
As for the Reagan administration, it gave clear support to Begin's settlement policy.
The first statement Reagan made after taking office in 1981 was
his saying that settlement is not considered an illegal act, even though it does not help the
peace process and is very provocative" (1), which confirmed that the Reagan administration had decided to use
the settlement card in its political game in the region.
On 7/29/1983, the United States voted in the Security Council against
a draft resolution condemning settlement, and its argument for this was that the resolution was unbalanced
and that it no longer believed that these settlements were illegal, in addition to
the fact that their removal is impractical (2).
The Security and Military Factor
The theory of "security" in Zionist thought is a multifaceted theory
with many aspects. When Moshe Dayan was the Israeli Chief of Staff
in the fifties, he distinguished between "current security," i.e., the general security situation at
any given moment, and "basic security," i.e., the security that reaches the core of
the Zionist presence on the land of Palestine. A link can be made between the two concepts
"current" and "basic" security through the theory of "secure" borders.
(1) All newspapers on 2/3/1981
(2) The Palestinian Issue in the Month of / April 1984, p. 7
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— 38 —
which "date them" and make the principle of occupation and settlement among the most important
strategic pillars of the Zionist doctrine. Since its beginning, the Zionist movement has
given absolute priority to the necessity of occupying the land and holding onto it
through permanent, fortified settlements.
Yigal Allon summarized in 1959 the relationship between the land and settlement
and colonization, saying: "The true borders (of the State of Israel) move
and are formed with the movement and location of the tiller of the land and the Jewish worker, and the
state cannot be defended without Jewish settlement even if the strength of the Israeli army
doubles" (1).
Due to the importance of this factor, the Zionist authorities established many
settlements, and settlements can be classified into military and other
civilian ones. The settlements, also called Nahal outposts (Military Pioneer
Youth), represent military installations as well as agricultural forces.
Zionist leaders emphasize the fundamental strategic role of these military
settlements.
In January 1977, former Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin announced:
"The settlements have increased the security of (Israel) and provided a nascent basis for its claim
to peace combined with borders that can be protected. This type of settlement
is the essence of the Israeli Defense Force's strength and combines agricultural work with service
military (2). Civilian settlements consist of two types: the Kibbutz, or
⟦line⟧
(1) Strategic Bulletin, London, December 1976, p. 6.
(2) Al-Hamishmar Newspaper, Issue January 25, 1977.
Page 42
- 39 -
Collective farms and Moshav: These are individual farms that benefit from collective farming.
The report of the National Lawyers Guild delegation to the Middle East
in 1977 stated the following:
Deputy Minister of Defense Mordechai Tzipori explained that the settlers in such
camps officially enjoy a civilian status while in military service, and he said
that the army may use some settlers who become civilian employees
in the army; the Ministry of Defense pays their salaries and requires them to sign
six-month contracts.
Tzipori added that the army will eventually evacuate the camps and cooperate
in converting them into permanent settlements (1).
Military camps are often converted into civilian settlements with the aim of
consecrating the presence and occupation.
The Israeli government exercises strict control over determining the locations for establishing
settlements in the West Bank and Gaza. In 1976, Minister of Justice
Haim Zadok pointed out that residency in that area requires obtaining permission from
the government, given that the West Bank is considered a "closed area" under
military law. Zionist officials say that the policy
pursued by the Zionist entity regarding settlements in the occupied territories is based
on a series of priorities, security and political considerations, and the needs of
Report: Treatment of Palestinians in Israeli (1)
Occupied West Bank and Gaza I Bied P.10.
It is noted that the report was submitted by the National Lawyers Guild after a visit in July
1977 to Lebanon, Jordan, "Israel", the West Bank, and Gaza
to study the situation of the Palestinian people and investigate human rights violations
in the occupied territories.
Page 43
40
settlement and on the existing possibilities and constraints, and Yigal Allon confirms that the government
is building settlements in strategic areas for the sake of Israel's security, indeed
it is necessary for these areas to be the border lines with neighboring countries where
they are likely to become the future lines (1).
There are other interpretations of the objectives of the settlement construction policy, as stated by
"Paul Quiring," director of the Mennonite Central Committee relief agency: -
"Settlements are being established along three lines that apparently aim to encircle
Palestinian communities and isolate them; the first line runs along the Jordan River
which separates the West Bank and Jordan, and this belt of settlements works
to isolate the Palestinians in the West Bank from Jordan. The second line runs along
the 1948 armistice line between Jordan and (Israel), which is generally called
the name "Green Line," and this belt separates the Palestinians in
the West Bank and (Israel). As for the third line, which has not yet been completed,
it involves establishing settlements around the most densely populated Palestinian cities
such as Nablus and East Jerusalem (2)."
Since 1967, successive Zionist governments have pursued the policy of
building settlements as a supreme goal for their national security.
(1) Previous source, p. also see Rifaat Sayed Ahmed "The West Bank
in Israeli Strategy" 1967 - 1982) Arab Affairs Magazine
Issue 19 / 20 /, 1982, p. 95.
(2) Previous source, pp. 95 - 96.
Page 44
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Sharon says in this regard, addressing his companions in his settlement plan:
"Gentlemen, here we are implementing the plan of the grandfathers and fathers. Jerusalem
alone must include one million Jewish settlers, and the West Bank, according to
my estimation, will include 300 thousand Jews. During the next thirty years, the number of
Jewish settlers in the West Bank must reach one million Jews.
This settlement expansion will support Israel's security over many decades.
The population of Israel now is 3.2 million people. We have a small regular army
as well as a small reserve army, and the intention is to double the population of Israel's
Jews by absorbing the largest number of Jewish immigrants while keeping the
regular army small, and in contrast, a very huge army of reserve forces
that can be fully pushed into battle within 26 to 70 hours at the most. This is
exactly what we hope for from the intensification of settlement and new immigrants.
For these settlements include shelters equipped with all means of comfort and contain
weapon depots that include heavy weapons against tanks and aircraft.
And we do not leave any settlement without arming. The mission of the residents of the settlements is not
to defend themselves only, but rather to defend 'Israel'. Every settler
is a soldier in a battle, and the settlements perform a security and military mission" (1).
(1) Cited by Dr. Muhammad Al-Farra, previous source.
Page 45
- 42 -
Conclusion and Conclusions
The Zionist entity will continue to implement its settlement plans
on the entire Palestinian soil. This is confirmed by several factors
including: -
1- The continued flow of Jewish migration to Palestine.
2- Strengthening the Zionist military forces in its various sectors.
3- Developing the Zionist economy, including the depletion of human resources
and the economic resources of the occupied territories and its ⟦illegible⟧ on capital
internally and externally for purposes of investment ⟦illegible⟧ and support and the use
of modern achievements in science and technology, due to the inability of
the Zionist entity, under current data, to achieve independence
economic, which remains a goal.
4- Regional expansion and the annexation of more Palestinian ⟦illegible⟧ and parts
of the Arab territories neighboring Palestine
Facing this settlement danger requires ⟦illegible⟧ the resources of the Arab
homeland and detonating its productive energies in building our nation in ⟦illegible⟧ industrial
agricultural, and scientific aspects.
The growth of a creative and productive Arab civilization makes plans and projects
of settlement a futile investment for the Zionist movement and the parties behind it
especially with taking the war of technological progress as a way to confront the challenge
Zionist.